George Washington was not only the indispensable man in the winning of America’s independence from Great Britain, he was also the indispensable man in the invention of a new nation. And the difficulties he faced in achieving the second goal were every bit as challenging as those he faced in achieving the first.
It was only because of the nearly universal esteem and affection that his countrymen had for him for winning the war that he was successful in creating a new nation. Because he possessed such a great wellspring of trust and public confidence, Washington was able to convince most Americans that an energetic government was not incompatible with republican liberty. And, within the confines of the 18th-century debate on the issue, Washington came down squarely on the side of a stronger and more effective central government.
We must remember that Washington was a supreme nationalist and the greatest single commitment of his political life from the time he took command of the Continental Army in 1775 until his death in 1799 was to the American union that he fathered, presided over, and hoped would be “perpetual.” Virtually everything he did—or did not do—as president can best be understood by remembering that his guiding star was his determination to secure the union.
His view, on the surface somewhat paradoxical but in fact amazingly prescient, was that the individual liberty of the people would be best protected within the context of a strong national union. He feared an excessive spirit of states’ right and individualism would destroy the American union and eventually liberty itself. Consequently, a comparatively strong central government was essential. Time and again as president, Washington advocated measures that would promote both unity and central power: a potentially large and unifying capital city, a national university, a national military academy, a national bank, a strong chief executive, federal support for agriculture and manufacturing, federal sovereignty over the states, and vigorous national government.
Understandably, Washington was reluctant to give up the private life at Mount Vernon he so loved to face, in his words, “the 10,000 embarrassments, perplexities & trouble to which I must again be exposed in the evening of a life, already consumed in public cares.” Ultimately, the call of duty and, if truth be told, the desire for secular immortality, trumped his many heartfelt concerns, and Washington responded to the virtually universal call of his people. (He would not only be unanimously elected president, but unanimously re-elected, as well.)
The challenges he faced were as daunting as those faced by any future president, including Lincoln and Franklin Roosevelt, for if Washington had failed, there would have been no union for them to rescue. The public debt seemed insurmountable; the people were fractious and divided; tensions between northern and southern states were increasing; the British maintained armed forces in the western United States; clashes with Native Americans disrupted westward settlement; Spain limited the use of the Mississippi River; people bitterly opposed new taxes and in the case of the Whiskey Rebellion resorted to violent resistance; many distrusted the government and feared the country was moving toward monarchy or at least “consolidation,” which was almost as bad; France went down the road of revolution, and soon Europe was at war and America’s neutral rights were trampled on.
The American people were blessed to have George Washington as its leader during the country’s early critical years when the survival of the union was very much at question. I titled my most recent book about him Realistic Visionary (University of Virginia Press, 2008) for a reason. Fortunately, Washington was not only a man of many talents and sterling character, he also had a remarkably clear-eyed understanding of the way the world worked.
Over and over again, almost like an evangelical preacher, Washington argued that men and nations are driven by interests, and any form of government that failed to take into account the true character of human nature would be unsuccessful. In his words, “The motives which predominate most in human affairs [are] self-love and self-interest.” The following quote best summarizes his view: “We must make the best of mankind as they are, since we cannot have them as we wish them to be.”
Washington’s sensitivity to the difficulties he faced are indicated in an interesting and thoughtful letter he wrote to Catherine Macaulay Graham, the famous female historian of Great Britain. “The establishment of our new Government seemed to be the last great experiment for promoting human happiness by reasonable compact in civil Society. . . . Much was to be done by prudence, much by conciliation, much by firmness. Few who are not philosophical spectators can realize the difficult and delicate part which a man in my situation had to act.”
The president always weighed carefully what was politically feasible. He followed Aristotle’s credo for all working politicians: The best is often unattainable and therefore the true lawmaker or statesman ought to be acquainted not only with that which is best in the abstract, but also with that which is best considering the circumstances. As Washington put it, “In my judgment, some respect should not only be paid to prevailing opinions, but even some sacrifices might innocently be made to well-meant prejudices, in a popular government.” Or again: “If we cannot convince the people that their fears are ill-founded, we should (at least in a degree) yield to them and not suffer [allow] that which was intended for the best of purposes to produce a bad one which will be the consequence of divisions”
If possible, Washington skirted unwanted controversies such as slavery. For example, one can read the Farewell Address and have no idea that slavery existed in the United States. If controversial issues could not be skirted, the president often had to choose the lesser of unattractive alternatives. The most serious threat to Washington’s vision of a stable and strong union originated overseas in the aftermath of the French Revolution. In briefest essence, the president feared that American sympathy for France might lead Congress to pass legislation that could eventually lead to armed conflict with Great Britain. In Washington’s view, such action would destroy the still very fragile union. To take the crisis out of the hands of Congress, Washington appointed John Jay, still chief justice of the Supreme Court at the time but the young nation’s most experienced diplomat, as his special envoy and sent him to England in the hopes of negotiating outstanding differences and avoiding war. In so doing, he seized the initiative and assumed responsibility for resolving the crisis, establishing a precedent that defined the president as the unrivaled leader of American foreign policy.
Jay’s treaty was hugely unpopular with much of America and greatly increased the partisan divide between the Republicans, led by Thomas Jefferson, and the Federalists, led by Alexander Hamilton. To Jefferson and many of his supporters, the treaty belonged more properly in the annals of treason than diplomacy. It was basically an acceptance of our dependence on Great Britain and the loss of genuine independence. The anger over the treaty led to severe criticism of the president. Some refused to drink to his health, and a few even drank to his speedy death. While stung and hurt by the criticism, Washington used his still immense popularity to win acceptance for the treaty. He did so for he was convinced America needed a time of peace to develop an American character and, that in another generation, it would by then be able to protect itself against any external threat to its independence.
In retrospect, most scholars see that Washington’s course was the correct one. That is almost always the case when studying George Washington. In retrospect, we see he had it right. One of the reasons that it is hard for us to appreciate the depth of Washington’s intellect is that what he said seems, in historical hindsight, obvious. But to identify, while deep in the trenches of conflict, what the future would consider obvious, is a towering intellectual achievement.
While problems naturally persisted, Washington’s accomplishments as president were many. Most important, the new government was now a going concern. President Washington bequeathed to future presidents a potentially powerful office, especially in the conduct of foreign affairs—and at the same time he set very high standards for the running of that office.
In thinking about meeting challenges in life, there are few better role models than George Washington. He demonstrated remarkable persistence in the face of severe adversity. In the words of another founder, Robert Morris, Washington “feeds and thrives on misfortune by finding resources to get the better of them” where lesser leaders “sink under their weight, thinking it impossible to succeed.”
As a result of George Washington’s untiring efforts to promote what he called the “glorious cause” of expanding liberty and republican values, he gave his beloved country a priceless gift. How we use it is up to us.
Peter Henriques is professor of history, emeritus, at George Mason University. He frequently speaks about George Washington at Mt. Vernon and elsewhere. His most recent book is Realistic Visionary: A Portrait of George Washington.
May 09, 2011
